New research · 2024

Do men and women
experience cities the same way?

Urban vibrancy  ·  7 Italian cities  ·  Mobile phone data

Collins, Di Clemente, Gutiérrez-Roig & Botta  ·  Environment and Planning B: Urban Analytics and City Science  ·  2024

More male activity
More female activity
Roughly equal

Reading the city through mobile phones

Modern cities generate continuous streams of digital trace data. Call Detail Records — logged every time someone makes or receives a phone call — let researchers map human presence across an entire city at 15-minute resolution. This study uses that data to ask: do men and women move through and inhabit urban spaces differently?

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The data

Call Detail Records from Telecom Italia — Italy's largest mobile operator. ~2 months of activity (March–April 2015), captured at 15-minute intervals across 7 cities.

🗺️
The method

Each city is divided into a spatial grid. Male and female phone activity is counted per cell, per time window. Results validated against census data: Kendall τ = 0.55–0.72.

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The measure

Gender difference Δ = Male activity − Female activity. Positive means more men present; negative means more women; zero means equal use.

7 cities studied

Milan Rome Turin Naples Venice Palermo Bari
Milan Turin Venice Rome Naples Palermo Bari

Urban vibrancy has a gender

Across all seven cities, male and female activity patterns track broadly similar rhythms — but they diverge. The gap is not uniform across the day, and — critically — it is not uniform across space. Some parts of a city are consistently more male-dominated; others, more female.

00:00 06:00 09:00 12:00 17:00 21:00 24:00 gender gap Activity across the day — typical city grid cell (schematic)
Male activity
Female activity
Gender gap
"Significant gender differences in urban vibrancy exist across all 7 cities studied, with evidence of spatial clustering."

The gap isn't just about when — it's about where

The headline finding

Two urban features drive gender differences in opposite directions — and distinguishing between them is crucial for policy. It is not commercial density in general that creates segregation, but specifically the presence of informal social spaces.

Third places

cafés · pubs · parks · community spaces

↑ Larger gender gap

Areas with higher density of third places — informal social spaces that are neither home nor work — show significantly larger male-female differences in urban activity. These spaces, in theory open to all, appear to be used unequally across genders.

5 CATEGORIES EXAMINED

Eating & drinking Organised activities Outdoor Commercial venues Commercial services
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Points of Interest

shops · services · amenities · transport

↓ Smaller gender gap

Areas with higher overall density of Points of Interest (all types combined) show smaller male-female differences in urban activity. General commercial and civic density is used more equally across genders.

CONSISTENT ACROSS

4 largest cities Aggregate model Indirect effects
These two effects oppose each other — it is specifically the social and informal character of third places, not commercial density in general, that drives gender segregation in how cities are used.

Effects spill beyond borders

A café district does not only affect the block it sits on. Gender-use patterns in one area bleed into neighbouring grid cells — a spatial spillover that conventional regression models would miss entirely. The study uses Spatial Autoregressive models (SAR) to capture this.

Click or hover the grid to see spillover effects

Changes in one area's gender gap ripple into neighbouring grid cells — the indirect effects captured here were consistent and significant across the three largest cities and the pooled model.

Global Moran's I ranges from 0.013 to 0.8 across cities
Spatial clustering of gender differences confirmed in all 7 cities (mean: 0.2)

A persistent pattern

The gender gap in urban use is not an artefact of a particular time of day, type of week, or city size. It is a structural feature of urban space.

Time-stable — No strong differences between weekday and weekend, or between morning, afternoon, evening and night. The gender gap in how cities are used is a persistent structural feature, not a time-of-day effect.

🏙️

Density matters more than diversity — The diversity of urban features was generally not significant; density was. This contrasts with earlier work on age groups, where diversity played a larger role.

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Smaller cities, sharper effects — In Milan and Rome the associations are present but more diffuse. In smaller cities such as Bari and Palermo the relationship between urban features and gender differences is stronger — possibly because residents have fewer alternative spaces to choose from.

Why this matters

Understanding where and how gender segregation manifests in cities — beyond where people live and work — is essential for designing fairer, more equitable urban environments. Streets, parks, and cafés that appear neutral on a planning map may in practice be used very differently by men and women.

This research demonstrates that mobile phone data, combined with open geographic data from OpenStreetMap, can reveal gender inequalities in urban space at a resolution and temporal frequency that is simply impossible to achieve with traditional survey or census methods. As mobile data becomes more widely available and privacy-preserving methods mature, this approach opens a new window into the lived experience of cities — across genders, time of day, and place.

Full citation

Collins, T., Di Clemente, R., Gutiérrez-Roig, M., & Botta, F. (2024). Spatiotemporal gender differences in urban vibrancy. Environment and Planning B: Urban Analytics and City Science, 51(7), 1430–1446.

doi.org/10.1177/23998083231209073